Disaster Response, a Political Football

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FEMA’s Misson Drift

In the WSJ, Tevi Troy wonders if federal involvement makes disaster response better. Perhaps Americans need to question this political football. Since when doesn’t central planning add to inefficiencies? It always does, correctly notes Mr. Troy.

The federal government must maintain full-time staff in preparation for any kind of disaster nationwide, while states can be (speedier) and hire staff more tailored for the disasters most likely to occur in their region.

FEMA also adds an additional layer of bureaucracy to what is already a complex management situation. And the agency can add an unwelcome political dimension to disaster response, as we saw when one FEMA official told workers not to stop at homes with Trump signs following Hurricane Milton.

President Donald Trump has already caused a stir by suggesting to eliminate the Federal Emergency Management Agency and transfer its responsibilities to the states.

Liberals such as Rep. Brad Sherman (D., Calif.) rushed to defend FEMA. However, for states to serve as the primary responders to disaster is consistent with our Constitution and much of our history.

Nothing in our Constitution mentions response or emergency management. Although technologies have advanced, the government has not. The responsibility, as perceived by both parties, has been the responsibility of local and state governments.

After the flood of Johnstown, PA (1889), when 2,200 people died, President Benjamin Harrison asked for help. Harrison responded with, “What you need is systematic work under proper authority. If the governor and your State Board of Health make any call upon me in any matter in my discretion, I will gladly respond.”

Why the Joke Worked

In other words, according to Harrison, this was the state’s responsibility, not the federal government’s. As the federal government and national media expanded, expectations changed.

Humorist Will Rogers (whose historic ranch burned in the recent LA fires) mocked President Calvin Coolidge for a sluggish response in the 1927 Great Mississippi Flood, gibing that Coolidge was taking it slow in the “hope that those needing relief will perhaps have conveniently died in the meantime.” The joke worked because there was general awareness of the situation and a feeling that more should be done.

Expectations grew as did the federal government. During the New Deal era, the federal government blossomed, increasing to 2.2 million in 1946 from 593,000 employees in 1932.

With the advent of TV, expectations inflated even more. Images of citizens suffering aroused sympathy across the country.

Presidents Lydon Johnson, Richard Nixon, or Jimmy Carter aren’t without blame for encouraging FEMA and increasing public expectations regarding the federal role in disaster response.

Mr. Troy warns President Trump to be cautious.

The federal government became increasingly involved in disaster relief because of the increased expectations of the American people. Moving crisis management to the states can be a good idea, but it needs to be sold aggressively to the American people … to revise public expectations for how we handle disasters.

Mr. Troy is a senior fellow at the Ronald Reagan Institute, a former White House aide, and the author of “Shall We Wake the President? Two Centuries of Disaster Response from the Oval Office.”